Who Is Hu Yaobang? Age, Biography and Wiki
Hu Yaobang was born on November 20, 1915, in Liuyang, Hunan, China. He was a prominent Chinese politician known for his liberal reforms and progressive views during the 1980s. Hu served as the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from 1982 until his resignation in 1987, a period marked by significant political turmoil and calls for reform. His untimely death on April 15, 1989, sparked the Tiananmen Square protests, highlighting his enduring influence on Chinese society even decades later. As of 2025, Hu Yaobang would have been 109 years old if he were still alive.
| Occupation | Revolutionaries |
|---|---|
| Date of Birth | November 20, 1915 |
| Age | 73 Years |
| Birth Place | Liuyang, Hunan, China |
| Horoscope | Scorpio |
| Country | China |
| Date of death | 15 April, 1989 |
| Died Place | Beijing, China |
Popularity
Hu Yaobang's Popularity over time
Height, Weight & Measurements
While there are no definitive records detailing Hu Yaobang's physical statistics, he is generally described as an average-sized man for his time. He was known for his simplistic lifestyle and modest demeanor, often focusing on his political duties and vision rather than personal vanity.
Family, Dating & Relationship Status
Hu Yaobang was married to his wife, Zhang Peili, and the couple shared a deep bond throughout their life together. They had several children, ensuring that Hu's legacy endures through his family. There is little public information about his dating life, as he remained devoted to his wife and dedicated to his political career.
After Hu arrived in Yan'an, he attended the Anti-Japanese Military School. While studying in Yan'an, Hu met and married his wife, Li Zhao, who was also a student in Yan'an. After his training, Hu worked in the political department, and was assigned to work as a member of Peng Dehuai's Third Front Army.
Net Worth and Salary
Given Hu Yaobang's unwavering commitment to public service, specifics regarding his net worth and salary during his lifetime are sparse. He lived a relatively modest lifestyle and eschewed the wealth often associated with senior political figures. However, his contributions to Chinese politics and society have left an indelible mark far beyond monetary figures.
Career, Business and Investments
Hu Yaobang's career was primarily focused on politics. He rose steadily through the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party, advocating for economic reform and liberalization. His tenure as General Secretary saw ground-breaking changes aimed at increasing individual freedoms and opportunities for the Chinese populace. Though he did not engage in business or investments in the conventional sense, his policies had lasting economic impacts that reshaped China's modern landscape.
Hu's position as General Secretary was succeeded by his close ally Zhao Ziyang, who carried on many of Hu's economic and political reforms.
A day after Hu's death in April 1989, a small-scale unofficial commemoration took place in Beijing, during which people demanded that the Chinese government reassess and recognize Hu's legacy; a week later, the day before Hu's funeral, some 100,000 students marched on Tiananmen Square, eventually leading to the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and ma
ssacre in June.
The Chinese government subsequently censored details of Hu's life, but in 2005 it officially rehabilitated his image and lifted its censorships, on the occasion of his 90th birth anniversary. Hu was buried in Gongqingcheng in Jiangxi.
Social Network
Though Hu Yaobang predated the modern concept of social media, his influence continues to resonate in various online discussions, forums, and academic studies dealing with Chinese politics and reform. Hu's legacy is frequently commemorated by civil rights activists and those who remember his push for a more open and democratic China.
Hu Yaobang's rise to power was engineered by Deng Xiaoping, and Hu rose to the highest levels of the Party after Deng displaced Hua Guofeng as China's "paramount leader". In 1980 Hu became General Secretary of the Central Committee's Secretariat, and was elected to the powerful Politburo Standing Committee.
In 1981, Hu became CCP Chairman, but helped abolish the position of Party chairman in 1982, as part of a broader effort to distance China from Maoist politics. Most of the chairman's functions were transferred to the post of General Secretary, a post taken by Hu.
Deng's displacement of Hua Guofeng marked the Party leadership's consensus that China should abandon strict Maoist economics in favor of more pragmatic policies, and Hu directed many of Deng's attempts to reform the Chinese economy. By 1982, Hu was the second most powerful person in China, after Deng.
Throughout the last decade of Hu's career, he promoted the role of intellectuals as being fundamental to China's achievement of the Four Modernizations.
Education
Hu Yaobang's educational background is less documented in detail. However, it is known that he was involved politically at a young age and received informal education through his involvement in party structures and discussions during his early career. His political acumen and understanding of the Chinese socio-economic landscape are reflective of his experiential learning and commitment to reform.
In summary, Hu Yaobang remains a significant figure in modern Chinese history, representing both hope for reform and the complexities of governance in a changing society. His life and career, marked by advocacy for individual rights, continue to inspire many today.
Hu joined the CCP in the 1930s. During the Cultural Revolution, he was purged, recalled, and purged again by Mao Zedong. After Deng rose to power, following Mao's death, Hu played an important role in the Boluan Fanzheng program. Throughout the 1980s, he pursued a series of economic and political reforms under the supervision of Deng.
Meanwhile, Hu's political and economic reforms also made him the enemy of several powerful Party elders, who opposed free-market and government reforms.
When widespread student protests occurred across China in December 1986 and January 1987, Hu's political opponents blamed him for the disruptions and convinced Deng that Hu's tolerance of "bourgeois liberalization" had instigated the protests.
Hu was forced to resign as General Secretary in early 1987, but allowed to retain his membership in the Politburo.
